Archive for June 23rd, 2009

Fighting the Last War

democrat_donkey_logo-240x30072 percent of respondents in a recent poll said they support a public plan option for health care reform, while 65 percent support a more radical (and effective) option: single-payer national health insurance. Yet Dianne Feinstein warns that Senate Democrats cannot muster the votes for the public plan option. It has been decades since a party has enjoyed as much real and perceived power as Democrats do today, yet our party seems imprisoned in an invisible cell.

I’m convinced that today’s generation of party elders has been hopelessly scarred by their experiences getting pummeled by Ronald Reagan and have become unalterably convinced that America is an irretrievably conservative nation. The thorough discrediting of conservative ideology and the ample evidence of a seismic shift in public attitudes have done nothing to shift this view.

So the leaders of the most powerful political party in America are jumping at shadows, so convinced that their constituents are ready to lynch them for serving their interests that they cannot hear them demanding just that.

It’s time for Democrats to stop being afraid to be Democrats and to recognize that for every vested interest is the making of a broad coalition to defeat it in the struggle for America’s future.

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A Failed Strategy

obamaWhen Senator Obama ran his history-making campaign, he promised a post-partisan politics and, of all his promises, this may be the one he has adhered to most vigilantly. He has tacked to the center on national security and civil liberties, has included industry players in every major policy discussion, and gave House Republicans much of what they wanted on the stimulus bill. He got zero Republican votes for his efforts.

And that seems to be the trend. No matter how hard this administration tries to include opposition views and moderate its position, Republicans and, increasingly, moderate Democrats continue to obstruct and even to weave conspiracy tales of liberal perfidy. Cap-and-trade legislation with broad public support was rendered so feeble as to be unworthy of the trees to print it. Giving up single-payer health care in pursuit of a compromise “public plan option” looks increasingly unlikely to yield either. His very moderate Court pick is denounced in very public forums by very serious politicians as “racist.”

The Mr. Nice Guy routine is not working. America faces real crises in the years ahead, and “solutions” acceptable to everyone are not solutions at all. Health care isn’t unaffordable by accident; insurance and drug companies made their executives and shareholders rich making it so. Global Warming isn’t an act of God; Energy and Auto companies depend for their profits on dirty, unsafe fossil fuels. Solving the very serious problems facing America is going to mean pissing somebody off. The sooner we face that fact and build the coalitions necessary to win, the better.

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Building a Stronger Economy

(Originally written for Malloy for Congress, 2008)

Conservatives often speak as if the choices that confront us in Economic Policy are Socialism and what they insist on calling “free market” ideology. Opponents of using tax money to subsidize the destructive export of entire industries are labeled as enemies of “free” trade and of “free” enterprise, as little better than Communists, adherents of a dead creed best consigned to “the ash heap of history.”

But it’s a strange brand of freedom conservatives offer. People aren’t free to quit their jobs or to organize for better wages and working conditions. Families aren’t free to plan and build a better future. Communities aren’t free to protect themselves from becoming empty, impoverished shells.  Meanwhile, America slides slowly, disastrously, into its new status as a second-rate economic power, its currency discarded, it products unwanted, its people tainted with decline and doubt.

The middle class falls further behind every year, real median household income having peaked in the 1970s. Growing indebtedness, spiraling educational costs, and health care spinning out of reach have ended the American dream for millions of families. But not everyone suffers. The top one percent of income earners enjoy a greater share of national wealth than at any time since 1929. The prices of luxury goods, higher education, homes in good school districts, and high-quality health care have spiraled out of reach for everyone but an elite few. The conservatives brought us, not free markets, but rigged markets.

There are more than 35,000 lobbyists in Washington, and tens of thousands more in state capitals across America. Their corporate clients are well-represented in legislation and regulation, which has been diverted from its purpose of protecting our workers, communities and planet. Innumerable subsidies and other favors have systematically twisted our economy into a casino where the house always wins.

Reviving the American economy will be one of the most difficult jobs government has ever attempted. We will have to reduce government spending, and refocus the smaller amount on measures to increase the long-term competitiveness of the American people. We must reduce both public and private debt, and take measures to bolster our manufacturing sector, particularly in high-tech, high value-added goods where we still retain a broad advantage.

The most important factor in twenty-first century competitiveness will be human capital. The ingenuity of its people is all any country will ultimately have to sell. America still enjoys the most productive workers and greatest universities in the world, but our secondary education suffers from real problems that portray our flawed choices over the last quarter-century. Schools funded by property taxes have maximized local control, but only at the price of ensuring that those communities most in need of the leveling effects of high-quality public education have been denied what they need to compete. We need new methods of funding public education that spur greater equality of opportunity.

America needs a first-class national defense, but our defense budget  serves what President Eisenhower called the “Military-Industrial Complex,” rather than national security.  We spend more than the rest of the world put together on national defense, and we have Virginia-class attack submarines with no Al Qaeda subs to sink, Raptor stealth fighters with no Taliban bombers to shoot down, Trident submarine missiles with no FARC missile silos to vaporize, and a Ballistic Missile Defense with no Hezbollah ICBMs to stop. These programs cost between 35 and 300 billion dollars apiece. If we weren’t fighting a non-existent Cold War and were instead equipping our soldiers for the war they’re actually fighting, we would save hundreds of billions, and hundreds of lives, a year. Our troops wouldn’t have to buy their own body armor. We wouldn’t have to hide thousands of disabled soldiers and marines, crippled for life because we couldn’t or wouldn’t buy them IED-resistant vehicles to patrol in.

The United States of America, with the greatest concentration of scientists and engineers in human history, takes second place to Germany in shipping solar panels, to Brazil in the use of biofuels, to Europe and Japan in fuel-efficient automobiles. Meanwhile, oil rockets past $135 a barrel and the polar ice caps are disappearing before our eyes. There is enormous demand for “green” technologies and we’re in an enviable position to supply them, having educated a huge portion of the world’s engineers and possessing a unique mix of geography that lets us implement every major alternative energy technology. Tax credits for firms and households developing and using these technologies would serve as magnets for these profitable industries, which can strengthen America’s economy for generations.

Health care costs consume more than 16 percent of GDP, more than that of any country in the world. The costs and risks of the American health care system are helping to hobble the rest of our economy, raising the costs of manufactured goods, deterring business formation and labor migration, and sucking capital out of other productive sectors. Health care costs associated with severe and chronic illness are among the largest causes of bankruptcy in America today. Providing American families with universal access to health care would not only be morally right, but economically wise, with benefits to the entire national economy and to every community.

We can, should, and must shift a portion of our tax burden from the middle class onto the top one percent of income earners, who have enjoyed a virtual tax holiday over the last twenty-five years. Middle-class families have seen their real incomes stagnate, if not decline, over the same period. Reducing their tax burden, while addressing their need for greater security and social mobility, would restart the engine of American productivity and allow America to compete in the global marketplace against all comers.

We can and must meet the economic challenges of the Twenty-First Century. Working together as one nation, we will conquer these challenges and help lead the world to greater prosperity and peace. Some vested interests will lose subsidies and tax breaks they thought were keeping them in business, but their defeats will help usher in a new era of shared prosperity that will lift their boats as well. We have no reason to be divided on the issue of restoring America to its rightful place as the world’s sole economic superpower.

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Preparing America’s Future

(Originally written for Malloy for Congress, 2008)

The wealth of nations in the twenty-first century will be determined not by mineral wealth or shipping lines but by the ingenuity and creativity of their people. Unfortunately, America has fallen behind much of the rest of the world at educating its children and honing their critical-thinking and problem-solving skills. Not all American children are poorly served, but those in rural and inner-city school districts are most at risk of being left behind their peers in America and abroad.

Having tens of millions of citizens unable to compete in the global economy severely limits our national development and threatens those Americans with lives of bitter disappointment, struggling to survive while millions of their countrymen move into the professional upper middle class. It creates resentment and nurtures crime, while denying our economy the benefit of their talent and potential.

The primary reason that these students are denied the opportunities they need to succeed is the funding disparities which produce opulent shrines to education in the wealthiest communities while depriving the neediest schools the basics required to prepare children for the workforce. As a result, companies avoid locating in areas with underperforming schools, young people in those areas react to the lost opportunities with hopelessness and despair as they suffer unemployment rates up to ten times the national average, and those neighborhoods become scarred by poverty and crime.

This administration and its supporters in Congress have responded to this crisis by drafting and passing the No Child Left Behind Act. This bill is based, like so many conservative policy ideas, on the mistaken principle that teachers and administrators are lazy and unmotivated and require a threat to their jobs to teach our children. I could not disagree more with this delusion. This bill has merely deprived the neediest schools of the resources they need to improve their students’ lives; penalized states, like South Carolina, who drafted challenging and meaningful tests; and required teachers to teach to the test, pushing real instruction and learning out of the classroom and replacing them with rote memorization of exam questions. The No Child Left Behind Act must be eliminated.

Another thing that the Federal government can do is target more money at the neediest schools, and encourage states to do more.  One of the most important things that the federal government can do is help to end the shortage of qualified teachers in struggling rural and inner-city schools. New teachers can be recruited by addressing the spiraling costs of education. Tuition tax credits and subsidies can encourage students to enter careers in teaching, and recipients of Pell Grants in education should be required to spend a few years teaching at an underperforming school. We could provide funding for additional in-service training for teachers in lower-performing schools to refresh their professional skills and to familiarize them with the newest technology. Teachers in all public schools should receive tax credits for continuing education.

Ultimately, inequalities in funding will perpetuate dangerous inequalities in educational outcomes until we address the way schools are funded in America. This is probably one of the touchiest political subjects in American life, and bringing equality of opportunity to America’s children will require enormous political courage, because it will require us to reexamine local control and the role of property taxes in paying for schools. It might not be feasible in the short term. With that in mind, it becomes all the more vital to enact incremental reforms that can deliver some improvement for our children now. Their future is America’s future, and is too precious to endanger through inaction.

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Towards a New Energy Future

(originally written for Malloy for Congress, 2008)

America’s future has been mortgaged to our addiction to fossil fuels. Global warming, instability in the Middle East, and high gas prices are just a few of the warning signs of the price we are paying for our inertia about our energy lifestyles.

Most American families are hard-pressed by the rapid increases in the price of gasoline. Some are calling for drilling on federal property in the Gulf of Mexico and in the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge. I am opposed to these proposals. Oil companies are currently utilizing only one quarter of area leased for drilling. Estimates are that 79% of the available oil in the Gulf of Mexico is within the area currently available for drilling. It will be decades before large amounts of oil flow from new fields, so they will not reduce the burden on consumers in the short and medium terms. These fields are further offshore or in harsh climates, making them far more expensive to develop than existing fields. More than 25 years have passed since a major refinery was built in the United States, and an increase in the flow of crude will not affect the price of gasoline if that bottleneck continues. The fields proposed are in sensitive and irreplaceable natural environments, and don’t hold enough oil to justify the risks to these priceless habitats. Oil companies drilling on government land should be required to pay royalties at world market rates for oil recovered there. These royalties should be used to fund research, development, and implementation of clean renewable alternative fuel technology to supplement or replace fossil fuels.

Even conservative critics of environmental regulation have begun to abandon their doubts about global warming. The vast majority of Americans have come to accept that we must commit to a sustained and concerted effort to reduce our carbon emissions. With four percent of the world’s population, we produce more than a quarter of its carbon emissions. While there may be promising technologies to replace fossil fuels for power generation, none of these technologies is a substitute for the conservation of energy. I support public-private cooperation to arrange low-interest loans to homeowners and business owners to retrofit energy-saving improvements. The loans can use the customer’s energy savings as collateral. This would consume a minimum of taxpayer funds, create a market for contractors who would install these retrofits, and create demand for solar and wind, which are far more cost-effective in energy-efficient buildings.

I am in favor of a mandatory cap-and-trade system, which would assess fees for businesses’ emissions, place caps on carbon dioxide and allow them to purchase additional permits from a secondary market. This would give businesses incentives to conserve energy and to replace fossil fuels with green alternatives. I favor increasing the caps at a rate that will allow us to meet our aim of cutting carbon emissions by 75% by 2050. Income from the permits can be used to provide tax credits to households that install green energy technologies. This will create good-paying jobs in green technologies.

I support increasing the fuel-efficiency standards for passenger cars and light trucks. This would not only reduce our carbon footprint by hundreds of millions of tons a year, but would also make American automakers more competitive overseas, where gasoline is even more expensive and regulations more strict.

By addressing our energy problems in multiple ways for both households and businesses, we can help reduce the financial and health burdens of our children and grandchildren. We can also restore our lost credibility on this issue, allowing us to get treaties that address India and China as well as emissions from the developed world, allowing us to dramatically reduce emissions worldwide. We would also end our dependence on foreign oil and allow us to pursue our national interests independent of the dangerous and unstable regions that produce most of the world’s oil and gas.

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